
A non-stop full-court press gives weak basketball teams a chance against far stronger teams. Why have so few adopted it?
ANNALS  OF INNOVATION
When  Vivek Ranadivé decided to coach his daughter Anjali’s basketball team, he  settled on two principles. The first was that he would never raise his voice.  This was National Junior Basketball—the Little League of basketball. The team  was made up mostly of twelve-year-olds, and twelve-year-olds, he knew from  experience, did not respond well to shouting. He would conduct business on the  basketball court, he decided, the same way he conducted business at his  software firm. He would speak calmly and softly, and convince the girls of the  wisdom of his approach with appeals to reason and common sense.
The  second principle was more important. Ranadivé was puzzled by the way Americans  played basketball. He is from Mumbai. He grew up with cricket and soccer. He  would never forget the first time he saw a basketball game. He thought it was  mindless. Team A would score and then immediately retreat to its own end of the  court. Team B would inbound the ball and dribble it into Team A’s end, where  Team A was patiently waiting. Then the process would reverse itself. A  basketball court was ninety-four feet long. But most of the time a team  defended only about twenty-four feet of that, conceding the other seventy feet.  Occasionally, teams would play a full-court press—that is, they would contest  their opponent’s attempt to advance the ball up the court. But they would do it  for only a few minutes at a time. It was as if there were a kind of conspiracy  in the basketball world about the way the game ought to be played, and Ranadivé  thought that that conspiracy had the effect of widening the gap between good  teams and weak teams. Good teams, after all, had players who were tall and  could dribble and shoot well; they could crisply execute their carefully  prepared plays in their opponent’s end. Why, then, did weak teams play in a way  that made it easy for good teams to do the very things that made them so good?
Ranadivé  looked at his girls. Morgan and Julia were serious basketball players. But  Nicky, Angela, Dani, Holly, Annika, and his own daughter, Anjali, had never  played the game before. They weren’t all that tall. They couldn’t shoot. They  weren’t particularly adept at dribbling. They were not the sort who played  pickup games at the playground every evening. Most of them were, as Ranadivé  says, “little blond girls” from 
David’s  victory over Goliath, in the Biblical account, is held to be an anomaly. It was  not. Davids win all the time.
The  political scientist Ivan Arreguín-Toft recently looked at every war fought in  the past two hundred years between strong and weak combatants. The Goliaths, he  found, won in 71.5 per cent of the cases. That is a remarkable fact.  Arreguín-Toft was analyzing conflicts in which one side was at least ten times  as powerful—in terms of armed might and population—as its opponent, and even in  those lopsided contests the underdog won almost a third of the time.
In the  Biblical story of David and Goliath, David initially put on a coat of mail and  a brass helmet and girded himself with a sword: he prepared to wage a  conventional battle of swords against Goliath. But then he stopped. “I cannot  walk in these, for I am unused to it,” he said (in Robert Alter’s translation),  and picked up those five smooth stones. What happened, Arreguín-Toft wondered,  when the underdogs likewise acknowledged their weakness and chose an  unconventional strategy? He went back and re-analyzed his data. In those cases,  David’s winning percentage went from 28.5 to 63.6. When underdogs choose not to  play by Goliath’s rules, they win, Arreguín-Toft concluded, “even when  everything we think we know about power says they shouldn’t.”
Consider  the way T. E. Lawrence (or, as he is better known, Lawrence of Arabia) led the  revolt against the Ottoman Army occupying 
But when  
The  Bedouins under 
But they  were tough and they were mobile. The typical Bedouin soldier carried no more  than a rifle, a hundred rounds of ammunition, forty-five pounds of flour, and a  pint of drinking water, which meant that he could travel as much as a hundred  and ten miles a day across the desert, even in summer. 
“Our  cards were speed and time, not hitting power,” 
The  eighteenth-century general Maurice de Saxe famously said that the art of war  was about legs, not arms, and 
 We could not lightly draw water after dark, for there were snakes swimming in  the pools or clustering in knots around their brinks. Twice puff-adders came  twisting into the alert ring of our debating coffee-circle. Three of our men  died of bites; four recovered after great fear and pain, and a swelling of the  poisoned limb. Howeitat treatment was to bind up the part with snake-skin  plaster and read chapters of the Koran to the sufferer until he died. 
 
When they finally arrived at Aqaba, 
Vivek  Ranadivé is an elegant man, slender and fine-boned, with impeccable manners and  a languorous walk. His father was a pilot who was jailed by Indira Gandhi, he  says, because he wouldn’t stop challenging the safety of 
In 1985,  Ranadivé founded a software company in 
Ranadivé  views this move from batch to real time as a sort of holy mission. The shift,  to his mind, is one of kind, not just of degree. “We’ve been working with some  airlines,” he said. “You know, when you get on a plane and your bag doesn’t,  they actually know right away that it’s not there. But no one tells you, and a  big part of that is that they don’t have all their information in one place.  There are passenger systems that know where the passenger is. There are  aircraft and maintenance systems that track where the plane is and what kind of  shape it’s in. Then, there are baggage systems and ticketing systems—and  they’re all separate. So you land, you wait at the baggage terminal, and it  doesn’t show up.” Everything bad that happens in that scenario, Ranadivé  maintains, happens because of the lag between the event (the luggage doesn’t  make it onto the plane) and the response (the airline tells you that your  luggage didn’t make the plane). The lag is why you’re angry. The lag is why you  had to wait, fruitlessly, at baggage claim. The lag is why you vow never to fly  that airline again. Put all the databases together, and there’s no lag. “What  we can do is send you a text message the moment we know your bag didn’t make  it,” Ranadivé said, “telling you we’ll ship it to your house.”
A few  years ago, Ranadivé wrote a paper arguing that even the Federal Reserve ought  to make its decisions in real time—not once every month or two. 
“Everything  in the world is now real time,” he said. 
“So when a certain type of shoe isn’t selling at your  corner shop, it’s not six months before the guy in 
Ranadivé  argued that we ought to put the economic data that the Fed uses into a big  stream, and write a computer program that sifts through those data, the moment  they are collected, and make immediate, incremental adjustments to interest  rates and the money supply. “It can all be automated,” he said. “Look, we’ve  had only one soft landing since the Second World War. Basically, we’ve got it  wrong every single time.”
You can  imagine what someone like Alan Greenspan or Ben Bernanke might say about that  idea. Such people are powerfully invested in the notion of the Fed as a  Solomonic body: that pause of five or eight weeks between economic adjustments  seems central to the process of deliberation. To Ranadivé, though,  “deliberation” just prettifies the difficulties created by lag. The Fed has to  deliberate because it’s several weeks behind, the same way the airline has to  bow and scrape and apologize because it waited forty-five minutes to tell you  something that it could have told you the instant you stepped off the plane.
Is it  any wonder that Ranadivé looked at the way basketball was played and found it  mindless? A professional basketball game was forty-eight minutes long, divided  up into alternating possessions of roughly twenty seconds: back and forth, back  and forth. But a good half of each twenty-second increment was typically taken  up with preliminaries and formalities. The point guard dribbled the ball up the  court. He stood above the top of the key, about twenty-four feet from the  opposing team’s basket. He called out a play that the team had choreographed a  hundred times in practice. It was only then that the defending team sprang into  action, actively contesting each pass and shot. 
Actual  basketball took up only half of that twenty-second interval, so that a game’s  real length was not forty-eight minutes but something closer to twenty-four  minutes—and that twenty-four minutes of activity took place within a narrowly  circumscribed area. It was as formal and as convention-bound as an  eighteenth-century quadrille. The supporters of that dance said that the  defensive players had to run back to their own end, in order to compose  themselves for the arrival of the other team. But the reason they had to  compose themselves, surely, was that by retreating they allowed the offense to  execute a play that it had practiced to perfection. Basketball was batch!
Insurgents,  though, operate in real time. Lawrence hit the Turks, in that stretch in the  spring of 1917, nearly every day, because he knew that the more he accelerated  the pace of combat the more the war became a battle of endurance—and endurance  battles favor the insurgent. “And it happened as the Philistine arose and was  drawing near David that David hastened and ran out from the lines toward the  Philistine,” the Bible says. “And he reached his hand into the pouch and took  from there a stone and slung it and struck the Philistine in his forehead.” The  second sentence—the slingshot part—is what made David famous. But the first  sentence matters just as much. David broke the rhythm of the encounter. He  speeded it up. “The sudden astonishment when David sprints forward must have  frozen Goliath, making him a better target,” the poet and critic Robert Pinsky  writes in “The Life of David.” Pinsky calls David a “point guard ready to flick  the basketball here or there.” David pressed. That’s what Davids do when  they want to beat Goliaths.
Ranadivé’s  basketball team played in the National Junior Basketball  seventh-and-eighth-grade division, representing 
The 
The  second deadline requires a team to advance the ball across mid-court, into its  opponent’s end, within ten seconds, and if 
The 
“What  that defense did for us is that we could hide our weaknesses,” Rometra Craig  said. She helped out once 
“It’s an exhausting strategy,”  Roger Craig said. He and Ranadivé were in a TIBCO conference room,  reminiscing about their dream season. Ranadivé was at the whiteboard,  diagramming the intricacies of the 
“My  girls had to be more fit than the others,” Ranadivé said.
“He used  to make them run,” Craig said, nodding approvingly.
“We  followed soccer strategy in practice,” Ranadivé said. “I would make them run  and run and run. I couldn’t teach them skills in that short period of time, and  so all we did was make sure they were fit and had some basic understanding of  the game. That’s why attitude plays such a big role in this, because you’re  going to get tired.” 
He  turned to Craig. “What was our cheer again?”
The two  men thought for a moment, then shouted out happily, in unison, “One, two,  three, ATTITUDE!”
That was  it! The whole 
“One  time, some new girls joined the team,” Ranadivé said, “and so in the first  practice I had I was telling them, ‘Look, this is what we’re going to do,’ and  I showed them. I said, ‘It’s all about attitude.’ And there was this one new  girl on the team, and I was worried that she wouldn’t get the whole attitude  thing. Then we did the cheer and she said, ‘No, no, it’s not One, two three, ATTITUDE.  It’s One, two, three, attitude HAH ’ ”—at which point Ranadivé and  Craig burst out laughing.
On  January of 1971, the Fordham University Rams played a basketball game against  the 
Their  record was 11–1. The Redmen’s star was none other than Julius Erving—Dr. J. The  UMass team was very, very good. Fordham, by contrast, was a team of scrappy  kids from the Bronx and 
Their  starting forward—and forwards are typically almost as tall as centers—was  Charlie Yelverton, who was six feet two. But from the opening buzzer the Rams  launched a full-court press, and never let up. “We jumped out to a  thirteen-to-six lead, and it was a war the rest of the way,” Digger Phelps, the  Fordham coach at the time, recalls. “These were tough city kids. We played you  ninety-four feet. We knew that sooner or later we were going to make you  crack.” Phelps sent in one indefatigable Irish or Italian kid from the 
In the  world of basketball, there is one story after another like this about legendary  games where David used the full-court press to beat Goliath. Yet the puzzle of  the press is that it has never become popular. People look at upsets like  Fordham over UMass and call them flukes. Basketball sages point out that the  press can be beaten by a well-coached team with adept ball handlers and astute  passers—and that is true. Ranadivé readily admitted that all an opposing team  had to do to beat 
What did  Digger Phelps do, the season after his stunning upset of UMass? He never used  the full-court press the same way again. The UMass coach, Jack Leaman, was  humbled in his own gym by a bunch of street kids. Did he learn from his defeat  and use the press himself the next time he had a team of underdogs? He did not.
The only  person who seemed to have absorbed the lessons of that game was a skinny little  guard on the UMass freshman team named Rick Pitino. He didn’t play that day. He  watched, and his eyes grew wide. Even now, thirty-eight years later, he can  name, from memory, nearly every player on the Fordham team: Yelverton,  Sullivan, Mainor, Charles, Zambetti. “They came in with the most unbelievable  pressing team I’d ever seen,” Pitino said. “Five guys between six feet five and  six feet. It was unbelievable how they covered ground. I studied it. There is no  way they should have beaten us. Nobody beat us at the Cage.”
Pitino  became the head coach at 
They  pressed, and ended up one game away from playing for the national championship.  At the University of Kentucky, in the mid-nineteen-nineties, Pitino took his  team to the Final Four three times—and won a national championship—with  full-court pressure, and then rode the full-court press back to the Final Four  in 2005, as the coach at the University of Louisville. This year, his 
“The  greatest example of the press I’ve ever coached was my 
Pitino  trains his players to look for what he calls the “rush state” in their  opponents—that moment when the player with the ball is shaken out of his  tempo—and L.S.U. could not find a way to get out of the rush state. “See if you  find one play that L.S.U. managed to run,” Pitino said. You couldn’t. The  L.S.U. players struggled to get the ball inbounds, and, if they did that, they  struggled to get the ball over mid-court, and on those occasions when they managed  both those things they were too overwhelmed and exhausted to execute their  offense the way they had been trained to. “We had eighty-six points at  halftime,” Pitino went on—eighty-six points being, of course, what college  basketball teams typically score in an entire game. “And I think we’d forced  twenty-three turnovers at halftime,” twenty-three turnovers being what college  basketball teams might force in two games. “I love watching this,” Pitino said.  He had a faraway look in his eyes. “Every day, you dream about getting a team  like this again.” So why are there no more than a handful of college teams who  use the full-court press the way Pitino does?
Arreguín-Toft  found the same puzzling pattern. When an underdog fought like David, he usually  won. But most of the time underdogs didn’t fight like David. Of the  two hundred and two lopsided conflicts in Arreguín-Toft’s database, the  underdog chose to go toe to toe with Goliath the conventional way a hundred and  fifty-two times—and lost a hundred and nineteen times. 
In 1809,  the Peruvians fought the Spanish straight up and lost; in 1816, the Georgians  fought the Russians straight up and lost; in 1817, the Pindaris fought the  British straight up and lost; in the Kandyan rebellion of 1817, the Sri Lankans  fought the British straight up and lost; in 1823, the Burmese chose to fight  the British straight up and lost. The list of failures was endless. 
In the  nineteen-forties, the Communist insurgency in Vietnam bedevilled the French  until, in 1951, the Viet Minh strategist Vo Nguyen Giap switched to  conventional warfare—and promptly suffered a series of defeats. George  Washington did the same in the American Revolution, abandoning the guerrilla  tactics that had served the colonists so well in the conflict’s early stages.  “As quickly as he could,” William Polk writes in “Violent Politics,” a history  of unconventional warfare, 
It makes  no sense, unless you think back to that Kentucky-L.S.U. game and to 
“I have  so many coaches come in every year to learn the press,” Pitino said. 
In 1981,  a computer scientist from 
Lenat  had developed an artificial-intelligence program that he called Eurisko, and he  decided to feed his program the rules of the tournament. Lenat did not give  Eurisko any advice or steer the program in any particular strategic direction.  He was not a war-gamer. He simply let Eurisko figure things out for itself. For  about a month, for ten hours every night on a hundred computers at Xerox PARC,  in Palo Alto, Eurisko ground away at the problem, until it came out with an  answer. Most teams fielded some version of a traditional naval fleet—an array  of ships of various sizes, each well defended against enemy attack. Eurisko  thought differently. “The program came up with a strategy of spending the  trillion on an astronomical number of small ships like P.T. boats, with  powerful weapons but absolutely no defense and no mobility,” Lenat said. “They  just sat there. Basically, if they were hit once they would sink. And what  happened is that the enemy would take its shots, and every one of those shots  would sink our ships. But it didn’t matter, because we had so many.” Lenat won  the tournament in a runaway.
The next  year, Lenat entered once more, only this time the rules had changed. Fleets  could no longer just sit there. Now one of the criteria of success in battle  was fleet “agility.” Eurisko went back to work. “What Eurisko did was say that  if any of our ships got damaged it would sink itself—and that would raise fleet  agility back up again,” Lenat said. Eurisko won again.
Eurisko  was an underdog. The other gamers were people steeped in military strategy and  history. They were the sort who could tell you how 
“Eurisko  was exposing the fact that any finite set of rules is going to be a very  incomplete approximation of reality,” Lenat explained. “What the other entrants  were doing was filling in the holes in the rules with real-world, realistic answers.  But Eurisko didn’t have that kind of preconception, partly because it didn’t  know enough about the world.” So it found solutions that were, as Lenat freely  admits, “socially horrifying”: send a thousand defenseless and immobile ships  into battle; sink your own ships the moment they get damaged.
This is  the second half of the insurgent’s creed. Insurgents work harder than Goliath.  But their other advantage is that they will do what is “socially  horrifying”—they will challenge the conventions about how battles are supposed  to be fought. All the things that distinguish the ideal basketball player are  acts of skill and coördination. When the game becomes about effort over  ability, it becomes unrecognizable—a shocking mixture of broken plays and  flailing limbs and usually competent players panicking and throwing the ball  out of bounds. You have to be outside the establishment—a foreigner new to the  game or a skinny kid from 
T. E.  Lawrence, by contrast, was the farthest thing from a proper British Army  officer. He did not graduate with honors from 
“When  the lion or the bear would come and carry off a sheep from the herd, I would go  out after him and strike him down and rescue it from his clutches,” David  explained to Saul. He brought a shepherd’s rules to the battlefield.
The  price that the outsider pays for being so heedless of custom is, of course, the  disapproval of the insider. Why did the Ivy League schools of the  nineteen-twenties limit the admission of Jewish immigrants? Because they were  the establishment and the Jews were the insurgents, scrambling and pressing and  playing by immigrant rules that must have seemed to the Wasp élite of the time  to be socially horrifying. “Their accomplishment is well over a hundred per  cent of their ability on account of their tremendous energy and ambition,” the  dean of 
“In the  beginning, everyone laughed at our fleet,” Lenat said. “It was really  embarrassing. People felt sorry for us. But somewhere around the third round  they stopped laughing, and some time around the fourth round they started  complaining to the judges. When we won again, some people got very angry, and  the tournament directors basically said that it was not really in the spirit of  the tournament to have these weird computer-designed fleets winning. They said  that if we entered again they would stop having the tournament. I decided the  best thing to do was to graciously bow out.”
It isn’t  surprising that the tournament directors found Eurisko’s strategies beyond the  pale. It’s wrong to sink your own ships, they believed. And they were  right. But let’s remember who made that rule: Goliath. And let’s remember why  Goliath made that rule: when the world has to play on Goliath’s terms, Goliath  wins.
The  trouble for 
“There was one guy who wanted to have a fight with me in the parking lot,” Ranadivé said. “He was this big guy. He obviously played football and basketball himself, and he saw that skinny, foreign guy beating him at his own game. He wanted to beat me up.”
Roger  Craig says that he was sometimes startled by what he saw. “The other coaches  would be screaming at their girls, humiliating them, shouting at them. They  would say to the refs—‘That’s a foul! That’s a foul!’ But we weren’t fouling.  We were just playing aggressive defense.”
“My  girls were all blond-haired white girls,” Ranadivé said. “My daughter is the  closest we have to a black girl, because she’s half-Indian. One time, we were  playing this all-black team from 
At the  nationals, the 
“They  were touch fouls,” Craig said. Ticky-tacky stuff. The memory was painful.
“My  girls didn’t understand,” Ranadivé said. “The ref called something like four  times as many fouls on us as on the other team.”
“People were booing,” Craig said. “It was bad.” 
“A two-to-one ratio is understandable, but a ratio of four to one?” Ranadivé shook his head.
“One girl fouled out.”
“We didn’t get blown out. There was still a chance to win. But . . .”
Ranadivé called the press off. He had to. The 
Source: http://www.newyorker.com/reporting/2009/05/11/090511fa_fact_gladwell?currentPage=all
 
 

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