Rising food prices increased the aid dependency of developing countries [GALLO/GETTY]
As the  world staggers from one economic crisis to another, it seems easy to forget the  global food crisis that occupied centre stage in 2008. World prices for  essential grains more than doubled between 2006 and 2008.
   In contrast to the magnitude of those subsidies, Official Development  Assistance from OECD member states amounted to $120bn (the  However, little had changed in the fundamental conditions of supply or demand  to cause such dramatic market adjustments. By now it is clearly evident that as  the unregulated and complex financial sector of the 
  Rice, the staple food of most of 
  
  The poor, who typically spend between 50 and 70 per cent of their meagre  incomes on food, were most affected by the crisis. According to the United  Nations Food and Agriculture Organisation, the food crisis raised the number of  undernourished people from 923 million to more than one billion by this  year.
  
  In late 2007 and 2008, the crisis caused food riots in at least 15 countries  across the world, from 
  
  Causes not addressed
  
  However, while prices for grains and foods have declined in 2009, they are  still higher than pre-crisis levels and the fundamental causes of their  volatility have not disappeared.
  
  The international economic system has witnessed a dramatic disbanding of trade  and investment barriers.
  
  However, the international market for agricultural commodities, the nature of  industrial agriculture, changing consumption patterns and international finance  all threaten to make food price volatility and food insecurity a recurrent  feature of the early 21st century.
  
  Agriculture offers a textbook case of international market distortion. And in  this case, the market distortion is created by precisely the developed  countries that extol the virtues of free markets.
  
  Double standards
  
  The developed world protects its domestic agriculture with any number of  subsidies and technical barriers to trade.
  
  The agricultural subsidies cover a host of measures - from domestic price  support, to compensation to farmers for maintaining fallow land, to export  price subsidies to dumping, some of which is disguised as food aid.
  
  Paradoxically, international trade negotiations and, more importantly,  International Monetary Fund (IMF) lending conditions expect developing  countries to remove agricultural subsidies and liberalise domestic markets to  imported foods.
  
  While these measures allow for the increased availability of food, they have  also eroded domestic agriculture and impoverished the rural economy, often in  the most economically fragile states.
  
  It was not surprising that the most impoverished countries were unable to meet  the international price surge with increased domestic production, or the  release of buffer stocks of staple food commodities.
  
  In fact, those countries became ever more aid dependent as governments  struggled to find the resources to pay the bills for imported food (and fuel),  in the face of sharpened threats of hunger and undernourishment.
  
  Industry domination
  
  The opening of developing country markets does not benefit the average farmer  in the developed world. The international agricultural industry is dominated by  a few grain, seed, chemicals and oil companies. Such is their market power that  three companies control the global grain trade and one company controls 60 per  cent of seed production.
  
  The grain trading conglomerates have unchecked market power to hoard and  influence world prices. Seed companies have employed breakthroughs in  biotechnology to produce seeds that are compatible only with certain brands of  pesticide or supply patented terminator seeds which germinate just once, and  therefore the seed from a harvest cannot be used to grow a second crop.
  
  This last feature of the seed business ensures a seed serfdom for the  farmer, who cannot set aside part of the harvest for replanting.
  
  It is no wonder, then, that the profits of the grain traders soared to  astronomical heights in 2007, in one case up by 60 per cent over the  previous year. And it is no wonder that small farmers are bankrupted by one  crop failure because of their inability to afford to buy or finance the  procurement of seed for a new crop.
  
  Industrialised agriculture
  
The other facet of industrialised agriculture is its energy intensity and  reliance on hydrocarbon resources, whether as fertiliser or as fuel. During the  heyday of the Green Revolution, one study noted that between 1945 and 1994 
The poorest were most seriously impacted by rising food prices [GALLO/GETTY] 
  
  Since then, energy input has continued to increase without a corresponding  increase in crop yield. Barring a breakthrough in seed technology, industrial  agriculture has reached a point of diminishing marginal returns from energy  usage.
  
  In addition, the fact that oil resource availability has peaked suggests that  oil prices will be on a long-term increase, thereby increasing the costs of  food production.
  
  Given the nature of the financial crisis in developed countries, it is highly  doubtful that governments will have the fiscal resources to increase subsidies  to the agricultural sector, in order to contain the increase in prices.
  
  For the developing world, fiscal constraints on governments and the likely  drying up of development assistance will have the same impact.
  
  Food to fuel
  
  The recent movement in the developed world to produce bio-fuels is yet another  factor propelling the price of grains. A World Bank study, prepared in April  2008, pointed out that a third of US corn production goes to produce ethanol  and half the vegetable oils produced in the EU to the production of biodiesel.
  
  This diversion from food to fuel is subsidised extensively, while imports from 
  
  Commodity speculators, seeing the potential from increased demand for grains in  these subsidised programmes, drove up futures commodity prices which in turn  raised current prices in grain markets.
  
  The same World Bank study contends that 75 per cent of the food price  increase was due to bio-fuels, a figure hotly contested by the Bush  administration at the time.
  
  An International Food Policy Research Institute study asserts that the effect  was somewhat less, at 30 per cent of the food price increase.
  
  Ideology of the rich
  
  The financial crisis in itself was a cause for the food price hike. While  prices rose steadily through 2006 and 2007, the latter half of 2008 saw a sharp  increase in prices, in a so-called price spike.
  
If the financial crisis reduces aid another food crisis could be devastating[GALLO/GETTY] 
  
  The simultaneous inflation of oil and food futures caused cost increases in the  production of food while inflating its trading prices at the same time. It  seems that finance had run out of opportunities for profit, so it turned to the  earth as a means of generating speculative profit, whether through real estate  or primary commodities and food.
  
  As the more recent financial crisis has shown, there is no regulatory capacity  to stop such profiteering from reoccurring. These are the difficult prospects  and consequences of a world run by the ideology of the rich and powerful.
  
  Development lessons
  
  There are development lessons to be learned here. First, food security is an  issue requiring long-term international effort and food security demands that  local agriculture be able to supply domestic needs wherever possible and that  reserve stocks are garnered for difficult times.
  
  Second, the developing nations are justified in holding out in the Doha Round  of trade negotiations until real and tangible concessions are made with regard  to trade in agricultural products.
  
  Third, national development efforts need to be replenished with such 'old  fashioned' endeavours as investing in rural production, water availability and  the empowerment of the small farmer.
  
  Economic history shows us that industrialisation was preceded by agricultural  transformations, with the state playing a heavy role. And economic history is a  better guide to policy than the theorising of free marketers serving powerful  corporate interests.
  
  Asif Mehdi works in international  development with an international intergovernmental organisation and has worked  extensively in Asia and 
 
 

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